Acceso usuarios
Ernesto Martín Padilla, Ninfa Stella Echavarrí de Uribe
Se presenta una descripción de las narrativas de parejas acerca de los ajustes causados por el desempleo masculino en la organización familiar.
Se seleccionaron parejas residentes de municipios aledaños a Bogotá (Colombia), cuyos padres habían perdido su empleo como fuente principal de ingreso y llevaban un mínimo de 6 meses desempleados.
Se realizaron entrevistas y un grupo de discusión. El método fue de tipo cualitativo, desde un enfoque social interpretativo. Como estrategia de procesamiento, se utilizó el análisis del discurso narrativo. En conclusión, se vio que en las parejas no hubo una negociación explícita sobre el reparto de las tareas domésticas, por lo que estas se van asumiendo de acuerdo con lo que cada esposo voluntariamente quiera asumir. En la toma de decisiones, las esposas adquieren mayor poder, mientras que los hombres tienden a retraerse.
El miembro que obtiene un salario tiene mayor poder de decisión sobre gastosimportantes, aunque la administración del dinero es compartida.
Para solventar la situación de desempleo, la familia recurrió a restringir gastos no básicos, a sostenerse con los ingresos de la mujer y a apoyarse en amigos y familiares. En la mayoría de los casos no se alteraron significativamente los roles de género, debido a que el hombre no asume el trabajo doméstico como su función principal. Finalmente, la situación de desempleo puede manejarse mejor si las parejas están abiertamente de acuerdo acerca de las responsabilidades de cada cónyuge y si hay flexibilidad en los roles y funciones relativos a la organización familiar.
Job instability, economic conditions and the active entry of women to the productive sector, have produced a tension with roles and functions traditionally assigned to men and women. This situation becomes more evident when a man loses his job. This, because he has identified himself as an external individual who provides home sustenance.
This article describe narratives of married couples about family organization adjustment caused by male unemployment. Participants were couples living in rural zones at north from Bogotá, in which the man lost his job, and maintained this unemployment status for at least six months. The selection criteria used for this sample was being a couple in a current marital status (married or cohabitating for more than two years) with one or more children (at least one living in the same household). The method used in this case was qualitative with a social interpretative approach, including interviews and focus groups as recollection techniques. The processing strategy used was an analysis of the narrative discourse, were the main categories were as follows: (a) distribution of housework, (b) handling money and power, and (c) coping strategies. The results showed that, in general, an important aspect of the activities assignment within the family were misled by gender conceptions, creating some conflicts; in thissense, the inhibition of dialogues of the unemployed father, to distribute functions and assignments can be attributed to his discomfort. There had been no explicit negotiation about family organization and role assignment, reason why every husband assumed the task that they wanted to contribute with. From job loss, the man usually takes the individual decision to increase his participation in household chores, as compensation for the efforts made by his wife to be the provider; but the role of men in housework is secondary, and fails to fulfill the expectations despite his efforts. Most women in the sample agreed that their husbandsshould not take the leading role in household tasks due to the lack of skills to carry them. On the other hand, women who accept the leading role of man at home are afraid that they may use this new role as an excuse for not seeking work. When both worked, the man’s salary was considered the principal household income and so it was used to pay the main basic expenses such as utilities, food, transportation, and mortgage or rent. If the woman worked, her salary was taken as a supplement for this expenses and the rest was used for additional costs like recreation, clothing. Before unemployment, decisions about money management were made by the man in his role of contributor; when the man became unemployed, woman acquire more power on decision-making, while men tend to withdraw due to his new condition. Therefore, we can conclude that the member of the family (couple) who receives a salary has greater decision power over the other on what has to do with important expenses. Couples develop coping strategieslike increasing female work: three of the four women get a job to cope with the economic situation, and two women have doubled their journeys to increase revenue to restrict non-core expenses. Other strategies were to receive support from friends and extended family diminish costs.
Finally, we concluded that in most casesthe gender roles did not have a significant alteration because couples did not assume housework as a main function of men. The proposed strategies along with family and social support can be useful; however, the situation can improve itself if couples openly agree on the responsibilities for each spouse and there is greater flexibility in the role assignment.
